Sheela stands to honour the Irish civil rights leader, former politician, activist, feminist and fierce bad arse Bernadette McAliskey, formerly Devlin. We chose this location to honour her role in the Battle of the Bogside, but there is so much more to Bernadettes story.

Devlin was born in Cookstown, County Tyrone, to a Catholic family, where she was the third of six children. Her father raised her to hold Irish Republican ideals before he died when Bernadette was 9. Subsequently, the family had to depend on welfare to survive, an experience which affected Bernadette deeply. Bernadette's mother died when she was nineteen years old, leaving her to partially raise her siblings while also attending university.

She attended St Patrick's Girls Academy in Dungannon. She was studying psychology at Queen's University Belfast in 1968 when she took a prominent role in a student-led civil rights organisation, People's Democracy. Following complaints from Unionist politicians, Devlin's scholarship was revoked and she was refused to be allowed to sit her final exams. Queen's University has never offered a formal apology to Devlin, but Devlin has stated she would not accept one even if it was offered.

After engaging, on the side of the residents, in the Battle of the Bogside in August, she was convicted of incitement to riot in December 1969, for which she served six months imprisonment. Almost immediately after the Battle of the Bogside, Devlin undertook a tour of the United States in August 1969. She met with members of the Black Panther Party in Watts, Los Angeles and gave them her support. She made appearances on Meet the Press and The Tonight Show Starring Johnny Carson. At a number of speaking events, she made parallels between the struggle in the U.S. by African-Americans seeking civil rights and Catholics in Northern Ireland. In Detroit, she refused to take the stage until African-Americans, who were barred from the event, were allowed in. In New York, Mayor John Lindsay arranged a ceremony to present Devlin with a key to the city of New York. Devlin, frustrated with conservative elements of the Irish-American community, left the tour to return to Northern Ireland and, believing the freedom of New York should go to the American poor, she sent Eamonn McCann to present the key on her behalf to a representative from the Harlem chapter of the Black Panther Party.
She served as MP for Mid Ulster in Northern Ireland from 1969 to 1974. At the age of 21 when she became the youngest female ever to become a member of the British Parliament. Breaking the traditional Irish republican policy of abstentionism and took her seat in Westminster, saying "I will take my seat and fight for your rights".
Throughout her life, McAliskey has been associated with Irish Republicanism and various Socialist and Communist groups. In September 1969 the Unionist Stratton Mills dubbed Devlin "nothing less than Fidel Castro in a miniskirt". Devlin responded that ideologically she was "as left as James Connolly and the starry plough". In a May 1969 interview, McAliskey stated she had "never read Marx", but stated that "I have read Connolly and if James Connolly was a revolutionary socialist then so am I’.
Having witnessed the Bloody Sunday massacre in Derry in 1972, Devlin was infuriated that she was later consistently denied the floor in the House of Commons by the Speaker Selwyn Lloyd, despite the fact that parliamentary convention decreed that any Member of Parliament witnessing an incident under discussion would be granted an opportunity to speak about it therein.
The day following Bloody Sunday, Devlin slapped Conservative Home Secretary Reginald Maudling across the face when he falsely asserted in the House of Commons that the Parachute Regiment had fired in self-defence on Bloody Sunday. Asked by an all-male press corps if she intended to apologise to Maudling, Devlin said: "I'm just sorry I didn't get him by the throat".
McAliskey stood as an independent candidate in support of the prisoners on the blanket protest and dirty protest at Long Kesh prison in the 1979 elections. She was a leading spokesperson for the Smash H-Block Campaign, which supported the hunger strikes in 1980 and 1981.
On 16 January 1981, Devlin and her husband were attacked by members of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), who broke into their home near in County Tyrone. The gunmen shot Devlin nine times in front of her children.
British soldiers were watching the McAliskey home at the time, but they failed to prevent the assassination attempt. Allegations were subsequently made that elements of the security forces had colluded with the UDA in planning the botched assassination. An army patrol entered the house after waiting outside for half an hour. Devlin has claimed that the patrol "were there to make sure that the gunmen got into my house and that they were caught on the way out."
The paramilitaries had torn out the telephone and, while the wounded couple were being given first aid by the newly arrived troops, an ASH soldier ran to a neighbour's house, commandeered a car, and drove to the home of a councillor to telephone for help. The couple were taken by helicopter to hospital in nearby Dungannon for emergency treatment and then to the Musgrave Park Hospital, Military Wing, in Belfast, under intensive care.
In 2003 she was barred from entering the United States and deported on the grounds that the United States Department of State had declared her to pose "a serious threat to the security of the United States" – apparently referring to her conviction for incitement to riot in 1969 – although she protested that she had no terrorist involvement and had frequently been permitted to travel to the United States in the past.
McAliskey has described herself as a "hardliner" on abortion, stating "You can’t say some abortions are okay and some are not. You are either pro-choice or you are not. I am a hardliner and most people don’t dare enunciate that view yet. I have a clear, old-fashioned bottom line: abortion on demand is a valid demand". She was an active campaigner during the Repeal the 8th campaign. From 1997 to 2023 McAliskey worked as the head of the South Tyrone Empowerment Programme, an NGO based in Dungannon which focuses on community development. She worked closely with migrant workers to help improve their treatment in Northern Ireland. Upon her retirement McAliskey said "Ironically, I have been paid for 25 years to continue the work for which I and my family had been penalised and punished in the previous 30 years. I will retire from Step this year, 2023, and will continue my activities as an ‘elder of the rebel alliance’. Truth and justice and an equitable, inclusive Northern Ireland are still to be achieved, and peace comes dropping slow.”
McAliskey's activism continues to this day. She is a passionate supporter of Palestine and has been a key speaker at numerous protests and solidarity events calling for an end to Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza and an end to Israel's occupation and apartheid. Sheela salutes you Bernadette McAliskey!

Shein, the fast-fashion giant, has sky-rocketed in popularity for its low-cost, trendy clothing. From labor exploitation and environmental degradation to the promotion of unrealistic beauty standards, Shein's business model is rooted in the exploitation of women as both labourers and consumers, and the environment.

One of the most glaring issues is Shein’s exploitative labor practices. The company’s supply chain primarily operates in countries with lax labor laws, such as China, where women make up the majority of the garment workforce. These women are often subjected to long working hours, unfair wages, and unsafe working conditions. Reports of forced overtime and harsh treatment are common, showing a stark violation of women’s rights to fair pay and safe environments. By maintaining these practices, Shein directly profits from the exploitation of vulnerable workers, most of whom are women and some children (the company has admitted this).

In a thinly-veiled attempt to appear more inclusive and progressive, the company has increasingly collaborated with plus-sized and LGBTQ micro-influencers, trying to position itself as a 'woke' brand. This move may appear positive on the surface, but it is a superficial marketing tactic rather than genuine support for marginalised communities. These influencers are often paid to promote Shein’s products, despite the company’s questionable ethical practices. This allows Shein to gain the appearance of inclusivity while still operating in ways that harm the very communities it claims to champion. It’s a classic example of "woke-washing" - using social justice movements for profit without making real, substantive changes to their business operations.

Shein's unsustainable production practices and environmental harm disproportionately affect women in developing nations who rely on clean natural resources for their livelihoods. The fast fashion industry’s environmental damage, including pollution and waste, further exacerbates gender inequality, particularly for women in vulnerable communities.

Shein's marketing often promotes unrealistic beauty standards that harm women’s mental health. The constant showcase of ridiculously edited, photoshopped images contributes to body image issues, especially among young women. Moreover, there have been recent allegations of forced labour in the Uyghur region of China, and the company has received a string of lawsuits relating to allegedly copied garments.

The sales of other fast fashion giants have tanked in recent years - not due to changing consumer habits, rather, because Shein and Temu are completely dominating the market. The scale is unimaginable, with 10,000 new items uploaded onto the site DAILY. The company reportedly offers as many as 600,000 items for sale at any given time with an average price tag of roughly 10euro - utterly unsustainable, and impossible to maintain fair labour rights and responsibility to the environment.
Shein's use of exploitation, environmental harm, and superficial inclusivity undermines women's rights, perpetuating harmful cycles in labor, mental health, and environmental justice. Brands that prioritise ethical labor and sustainability are the real path forward for promoting genuine progress. Sheela pleads with people to boycott these companies and to consume less, and more sustainably. There are tons of amazing craftspeople to purchase from, as well as being creative and buying second hand.. Apps like Good on You can empower and inform us further on who we decide to support with our money - and the future we want.

Not many people know about Jennie Wyse Power, but to fit her achievements into one post is a difficult task. She was a republican, an activist, feminist, business woman, suffragette, revolutionary, organiser, judge in the republican courts and senator for the free state. She was a member of the ladies land league, vice-president of Séin Féin, vice-president of Inghindhe na hÉireann, founding member of Cumann na mBan and member of Dublin corporation. She held countless secretarial and organisational roles. She was a multitasking bad ass bean! In her family life, she had 4 children, and tragically lost her two daughters, one as a baby and one as an adult. Her husband was a founder of the GAA. She ran a chain of restaurants that championed Irish produce and the vegetarian diet in a time when this was unheard of. Her restaurant on Henry street was a meeting place for the republican movement, the proclamation of independence was signed there, she brought food from there to the GPO to feed the rebels during the 1916 rising and Michael Collins hid there during the civil war. There is a plaque at the Henry Street restaurant. Jennie opened three further branches here at 21 Camden Street Lower, Upper Leeson Street and Rathmines. She was an important part of so much of our history. Despite all of the achievements, Jennie Wyse Power is not a household name. Like many women of her time, she was not given the credit she deserved and the history books filled with instead the names of the men she knew and worked alongside. Power did not kill or die for Ireland, she played arguably the harder role that many matriarchal figures do, a role that’s in the background, organising, making sure what needs to be done is getting done. We need more people like Power and we need to celebrate and remember people like her. Grá mór do mhná na hÉireann!

St Patrick's Mother and Baby Home was an institution for unwed mothers and babies which operated for 81 years on the Navan Road in Dublin, just down from the Halfway House pub. Originally known as Pelletstown, the home was built as a workhouse for the poor. The home was owned and funded by the Poor Law Guardians and the Dublin Union. It was operated on their behalf by the Daughters of Charity of Saint Vincent de Paul. It was the largest of Ireland's nine mother and baby homes, with up to 12,000 residents over its history. It was allowed to provide up to 149 beds for mothers and up to 560 places for children at any one time. In 1985 the land was sold for development, the home was demolished and this housing estate built. To pass here now you would never know of the horrors that took place here.

Historical records show that infant mortality rates at St Patrick's were up to 50% (in 1920) when the national rate was 6.6% (in 1922). Outbreaks of infectious disease spread rapidly in overcrowded and cramped conditions. Records show about 18,000 children passed through the home; of these about 42% were known to be adopted, while 27% returned to their families of birth. Records are unclear on the outcome of many of the children born in the home. Survivors describe regular physical, psychological, and sexual abuse, particularly while being boarded out. While there is no documentary evidence of racism in the records, some sources suggest that staff may have had a negative bias to mixed-race babies though reports are conflicting. Children of mixed race were commonly transferred from other homes to St Patrick's. Only about half of mixed-race children were recorded as adopted, and non-adopted children sometimes moved to industrial schools once they were old enough, where they experienced similar abuse and neglect. Increased demand for adoptive babies among couples in the United States meant that healthy Irish children became a valuable commodity, because of this some conditions improved. More than 250 babies were exported from St Patrick's to the United States.

The redress scheme for survivors of mother and baby institutions opened in 2024. The scheme excludes people that spent less than 6 months in the institutions as a child. Most of the babies were stolen from their mothers and sold on by the Catholic Church very quickly, this is no secret and proves that the schemes terms attempt to avoid providing compensation to a huge percentage of survivors. It also shows that the government fails to acknowledge the life long effects of the trauma caused by the forced separation of mother and child. This trauma is not made easier by time spent in the institution.
The scheme also does not cater to people who were boarded out as children (a precursor to fostering, where many children were placed with abusive families), people who were subjected to vaccine trials without their knowledge or consent and people who experienced racism or other discrimination in the system. Around 34,000 people will be eligible to apply for redress under the scheme, which is estimated to cost around €800 million. However, it’s estimated that around 24,000 survivors are excluded from the scheme.

The amount of compensation that these survivors will get is pathetic and a final act of insult and disrespect from the state. For example a mother who spent up to 3 months in an institution before being separated from her child for life will receive €5000, in exchange for waiving all legal rights against the state. If a survivor completed forced labour in (some not all of) the institutions for between 3-6 months they will receive €1500 compensation.

Sheela stands here in recognition of the crimes of church and state. She stands in solidarity with survivors and those that died while enduring abuse and neglect on this land.

The largest mass burial site ever unearthed in Ireland. The excavation took place in 2006 and revealed the skeletal remains of nearly 1,000 individuals in 63 burial pits. All of these people were inmates at the workhouse who perished. This workhouse, like many across Ireland during the Great Famine (1845–1852), primarily housed the most vulnerable segments of society: unmarried women, the elderly, and children. These institutions were established under the Poor Law Act of 1838, enacted by the Parliament of the United Kingdom, to provide 'relief' to the destitute by offering shelter and work in exchange for basic sustenance The poor were seen as lazy and slothful, conditions inside were made as unattractive as possible. The work was tedious and monotonous, and of very little value.

Women, particularly those unmarried or widowed, constituted a significant portion of workhouse residents. The societal norms of the time offered limited opportunities for women to earn a livelihood, making them especially susceptible to poverty during the famine. Elderly individuals, unable to work and often without family support, also sought refuge in these institutions. Children, either orphaned or from families unable to support them, were another substantial group within the workhouses.

Upon entry, individuals were required to relinquish personal clothing for standardized uniforms. Families were segregated: males from females, children from parents. Inmates were divided into categories, including elderly men and women, able-bodied males over 13, able-bodied females over 16, boys aged 7 to 13, girls aged 7 to 16, and children under 7. Sleeping arrangements consisted of straw and rag mattresses, with rudimentary sanitation facilities. Work was mandatory, and meals were consumed in silence.

Pregnant women and unmarried mothers were particularly stigmatised. These women frequently endured additional hardships, such as social ostracism and more strenuous duties. These experiences share parallels with those in Magdalene Laundries, which operated from the 18th to the late 20th centuries.

Initially established to house 'fallen women,' a term encompassing those deemed promiscuous or who became pregnant outside of marriage, these institutions evolved into penitentiary workhouses. Women were required to work without pay, primarily in commercial laundries, under strict and often severe regimes. The conditions in Magdalene Laundries were frequently more severe than those found in prisons. Both institutions functioned as mechanisms of social control, reinforcing societal norms and moral standards, which had a far greater impact on women.

These historical institutions highlight systemic issues where vulnerable women were subjected to harsh conditions, forced labor, and significant loss of personal autonomy, under the pretext of care or moral correction. The legacy of such practices underscores the importance of safeguarding human rights and ensuring that aid to the vulnerable is administered with dignity and respect.
Sheela serves as a remembrance of all the people who suffered greatly here, especially the most vulnerable.

The 2018 Belfast rape trial involving rugby players Paddy Jackson and Stuart Olding, brought to light significant concerns about misogyny and the treatment of sexual assault victims within the legal system. The defendants were acquitted of rape charges, but the trial's proceedings highlighted deeply disturbing practices of perpetuating victim-blaming and humiliation.

A particularly worrying aspect was the defence's focus on the victim's underwear. During the trial, the defence presented the woman's underwear as evidence, suggesting that its appearance implied consent. However, this tactic was widely criticised for perpetuating harmful stereotypes and shifting blame onto the victim based on her attire. Such strategies not only deter survivors from coming forward, but also reinforce a culture where victims are held responsible for the crimes committed against them.

In stark contrast, the trial also revealed deeply offensive and misogynistic WhatsApp messages exchanged between the defendants and their acquaintances. These messages referred to women in extremely derogatory terms and boasted about sexual encounters, painting a clear picture of their attitudes towards women. Despite the misogynistic nature of these messages, the focus remained disproportionately on the victim's behaviour and attire rather than the defendants' clearly displayed misogyny and attitudes, which were actually telling. They clearly knew they could get away with it, given the nature of what they brazenly described in the messages.

This disparity underscores a broader societal issue where women's minute actions and choices are scrutinised and used against them, while men's derogatory behaviors are often overlooked or minimised. Such dynamics perpetuate a culture that excuses misogyny and places undue burdens on victims of sexual assault.

Currently, public reactions to allegations made by high-profile women, such as Blake Lively and Amber Heard, highlight the spectacle of humiliation and disbelief that women often face when they come forward with accusations against powerful men.

These cases reflect a societal tendency to scrutinise and undermine women's credibility, reinforcing the need for systemic change in addressing and acknowledging misogyny. Worryingly, the current Blake Lively case is overwhelmingly covered by right-wing media, further cementing the incredulity of women who attempt to speak out.
However, thousands marched and protested across Ireland and the UK in support of the victim of the Belfast Rape Trial, loudly proclaiming 'I BELIEVE HER' on placards and online.
Addressing these issues requires a collective effort to challenge and change the narratives that perpetuate victim-blaming and excuse misogynistic behavior. Its normalisation renders it invisible, and we need to call out misogynistic slurs and behaviour when we see it, separating it from our culture it is so deeply ingrained within, in order to reveal its hidden brutality. It can no longer be 'just locker room talk.' This is especially pertinent to men.

Sheela honours these immensely brave women who speak out against powerful men, fully aware of the power disparity not just in regard to status, but in regards to gender and how the courts and public treat victims.

Gisèle met Dominique Pelicot in 1971, they married in 1973 and settled in the Paris suburb of Villiers -sur- Marne, where they had three children together. After retiring in 2013, the Pelicots moved to Mazan in southeastern France, renting a house with a garden and swimming pool. Gisèle joined a choir, while her husband joined the tennis club and did a lot of cycling. In the summer holidays they were joined by their children and grandchildren.

They lived a normal life, or so Gisèle thought until Dominique was arrested in 2020 for upskirting women in a local supermarket. It was then that police having confiscated Dominiques phone, discovered evidence of Gisèles abuse. 20,000 photos and videos on Dominique’s laptop and other devices showing Gisèle, drugged into unconsciousness by her husband, being raped on their bed by more than 70 different men without her knowledge for nearly a decade; Dominique marked one folder of videos simply “Abuse.” Dominique Pelicot used chat forums online to advertise the abuse and recruit willing rapists to come to their home. During this time Gisèle knew something was very wrong; she suffered weight loss, hair loss, problems with her memory, unexplained gynaecological problems and difficulty moving her arm, affects of the assaults themselves but also from being drugged on a regular basis. Her husband dutifully drove her to medical appointments supposedly to get to the bottom of it. Gisèle didn't get any answers until the police showed her what they had found.

When Dominique and fifty other men went on trial for aggravated rape, attempted rape, and sexual assault in Avignon in 2024, Gisèle waived her right to anonymity and a trial behind closed doors, doing so to encourage other victims of sexual crimes to speak out. 71 year old Gisèle successfully challenged the judge's initial decision to exclude the public from court when videos of her being raped were shown. "The shame is theirs", she said, referring to the men accused of raping her. "I'm lucky to have the evidence. I have the proof, which is very rare. So, I have to go through [all this] to stand for all the victims.”

Speaking on 19 December after the trial, Gisèle stated "I wanted when I started on 2 September to ensure that society could actually see what was happening and I never have regretted this decision. I now have faith in our capacity collectively to take hold of a future in which everybody, women, men, can live together in harmony, in respect and mutual respect."

For many French, Gisèle defined heroism: an ordinary person taking extraordinary actions. Thousands marched in support. Murals of her face appeared across the country. A banner hung from Avignon’s ancient ramparts reading merci gisèle. After the verdicts, she acknowledged her significance, telling hundreds of journalists, “I think of all the other victims whose stories remain untold ... We share the same fight.”
Sheela thanks Gisèle for the personal cost she has paid to bring these crime to light and the hope and determination she has given to other survivors. Sheela sends strength to Gisèle's daughter Caroline and stands on solidarity with all survivors of sexual assault abuse.

You can find sheela right outside the Montemarte cemetery and down the street from the Moulin Rouge.

In recent months, Meta Platforms, under CEO Mark Zuckerberg, has significantly altered its internal policies, rolling back diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives. These changes reflect a broader corporate trend of distancing from progressive ideals, influenced by political backlash and shifts in regulatory environments. Meta’s relaxation of already relaxed content moderation policies, particularly around hate speech, is deeply concerning in regards to misogyny, homophobia, racism, misogyny and transphobia.

This marks a stark departure from Zuckerberg’s earlier leadership, which once seemingly embraced progressive values and inclusivity - Pride floats, BLM support and DEI PR stunts. However, this shift reveals a deeper truth: tech CEOs have no real ideology beyond the pursuit of capital. They align themselves with whatever political forces will allow them to maintain dominance. In the 2010s, progressive branding and DEI initiatives were good for business; now, as right-wing forces gain traction, Zuckerberg is pivoting to appease them, even at the cost of undermining Meta’s once-professed 'values'.

His recent comments about “wanting more masculine energy in the company” reflect a growing alignment with right-wing ideals, which often position masculinity in opposition to diversity and inclusivity. On Joe Rogan’s podcast, he lamented corporate culture’s 'neutered' state (Meta workforce is 37.1%. female. 62.9%. male...).This rhetoric fuels the broader cultural shift toward anti-feminist and regressive policies in tech spaces. The underlying message is: the future of tech leadership is being reshaped to prioritise aggression, hierarchy, and exclusion over collaboration and equity.

By deprioritising DEI initiatives and allowing harmful narratives to flourish, Meta risks making online spaces even more hostile to women and marginalised groups. The normalisation of right-wing discourse threatens to erode digital activism, limiting the ability of feminist movements to organise and advocate effectively.

Also, Gen Z's gender divide is widening, with young men increasingly radicalised by online spaces promoting misogyny, while young women lean more progressive. Social media fuels this polarisation, shaping divergent political and social beliefs, and this may continue to worsen. A recent example of Meta’s abuse of power is the fact that after Oct 7th 2023 they altered their algorithm to actively suppress Palestinian voices. This is something we should all be terrified of.
We must push for corporate accountability, champion alternative digital spaces, and demand stronger regulations to protect vulnerable communities. We need to amplify feminist and progressive voices online. Sheela stands defiantly outside of the Meta offices,challenging the dominance and nonsense of so-called 'masculine energy' and reclaiming space for women in a world that seeks to silence them.